Monday, February 24, 2014

Satya Ridhima Parvathaneni, President of Indian Impact.

Business school grad Ridhima Parvathaneni has put up a fight against numbers; numbers that indicate the alarming rate of malnutrition

Despite shuttling between two states, Ridhima ensures that she wraps up work by Saturday night in order to let her hair down on Sunday. During the week, 22-year-old Satya Ridhima Parvathaneni is preoccupied with something unusual for a ‘work hard, party hard’ youngster — a dream to reduce the number of malnourished children in the city through The Indian Impact. The sitewww.theindianimpact.com the first and only online platform which aims to reduce the alarming number of malnutrition in India.
The workflow
The malnutrition rate is 42 percent among children in India.
As many as 1500 children die everyday due to lack of a balanced diet
Anyone who’s interested to help can approach the nearest Angandwadi centre.
To locate the Angandwadi centre in your area, type the locality name in the Theindianimpact.com
More than food, children need plates, bowls, glasses and mats and in some cases a proper building itself.
Indian Impact’s volunteers in the area monitor and ensure the donations are put to right use.
Volunteers can join online through the website and their FB page
Indian Impact also supports three other NGOs — Sneha, The Anganwadi Project and Spandan
The Indian Impact doesn’t just put our lists of nutritional value of foods, or give nutrition tips; shows facts and figures and gives us ideas of how each of us can contribute to reduce the rate of malnutrition. Through the website, citizens and corporations will be able to easily locate and improve Anganwadi Centres or support innovative NGO projects that are successfully reducing malnutrition in the interior villages and high-risk zones of India. The website doesn’t collect money or accept funds. Ridhima’s fight is against the 42 percent children of the country who are malnourished.
“We are going to be a platform to help the haves provide to the have-nots. Unlike other institutions or groups, we are not collecting funds or objects to be donated. Neither are we adopting villages. Our area of work is the Anganwadi centres and their needs and while we are working with them, we only put up the needs of the centres and let individuals, corporate do the needful,” explains Ridhima.
A graduate from Wharton Business School, Ridhima is also involved with the family’s logistic business, which is into shipping containers. But she’s equally driven by her passion. Ridhima stresses, “ The Indian Impact originated in March 2013 on the Wharton Business School campus when I read an article about India’s malnutrition emergency. I worked with a group of likeminded students and set about starting this site.”
A few months old in her venture, Ridhima is glad some of the people of her age who didn’t know about the malnutrition rate and Anganwadi centres are opening their minds to the problem and are willing to be a part of the solution as well. “The solution comes in the help of knowledge and a willingness to extend a helping hand. There is enough money to be channelized; what we lack is dedicated manpower,” she explains.
Grand daughter of the late Union minister P. Upendra, Ridhima says she got her inspiration to do good to society from her grandfather.
Ridhima wants to expand their family business and wants to see their logistic company Seaways among the top 5 in the world. “Indian logistic companies have a great chance to expand and I am going to do just that with Seaways. My mother and father have always let me do what I want. So, when I said I wanted to work on Indian Impact, they were happy but mom was a little worried about time management and juggling of duties. But I said to her “‘In Wharton we learn all of it,’” she laughs.
Coming back to the topic of Indian Impact, Ridhima questions, “If 1500 children die everyday where will the country get their future teachers, writers, doctors, engineers etc from? Malnutrition is a very basic problem which if addressed on time can save a lot of children and provide them with good health.”
Based purely on statistic studies and field work, the volunteers of Indian Impact have some stunning revelations. “It isn’t the lack of food that troubles the Anganwadi Centres, it is lack of infrastructure. Infrastructure as basic as eating plates, mats to sit and glasses to drink water from,” she reveals. When these needs were put on the site , the centres received help within no timethe centres are monitored by local youth . “A young shopkeeper in Malkajgiri is our most active volunteer. He has been doing a remarkable job and also encouraging others to help.”
Doesn’t she miss being a carefree 22-year-old hanging out with friends at coffee shops and malls? “Which 22-year-old does only that now? I feel the youth is quite motivated and has each chalked out a plan for themselves. Everyone is on the go because goals are set. Catching up with friends over the weekend is a great way to relax and a good stress buster,” she says.
If only we go beyond our comfort zones we can test our potentials, says Ridhima who reveals that she sets her goals in a very balanced time frame. “There is no point setting a big goal in a smaller time frame and pushing yourself and others beyond control. The system is fragile so it needs to be handled with care.”
Shuttling between Chennai and Hyderabad to manage their family business Ridhima says she can do all that because she has age on her side. “Time has to be managed when the goals are set. That is why I have decided to also steal time from my schedule and find time for horse riding and fencing. The only two sports which I love to pursue. More power to her ilk.

Sunday, February 23, 2014

ప్రత్యెక ఆంధ్ర రాష్ట్రంలో కమ్మవారికి కలిగే ప్రయోజనాలేమిటి?

ప్రత్యేక ఆంధ్ర రాష్ట్రం ఏర్పడితే 'కమ్మవారికి' ప్రయోజనం ఏమిటి? అనే సందేహం మనలో చాలా మందికి ఉంది. కమ్మవారి జనాభా కోస్తా ఆంధ్ర జిల్లాలలో ఎక్కువగాను, రాయలసీమలో కొంచెం తక్కువగా, తెలంగాణా లోఖమ్మం జిల్లాలో చెప్పుకోదగిన సంఖ్యలో, నిజామాబాదు, నల్గొండ మరియు హైదరాబాద్ జిల్లాల్లో ఒక మోస్తరుగా వున్నారు.

ప్రస్తుత అసెంబ్లీ లో ఉన్న 28 మంది కమ్మ MLA లలో 24 మంది కోస్తా, రాయలసీమ ప్రాంతాలవారే. కొంతమంది చెప్పినట్టు, ఆంధ్ర ప్రదేశ్ లో కమ్మవారి జనాభా 4.3%, అనుకుంటే, ఆంధ్రా, రాయలసీమ ప్రాంతంలో 7.5% ఉంటారు. ఈవిధంగా చూస్తే, 'ప్రత్యేక ఆంధ్రా' లో మనకు కులాల నిష్పత్తి ప్రకారం ఎక్కువ మంత్రిపదవులు, అధికార పదవులు దక్కుతాయి.తెలంగాణా జిల్లాలలో కమ్మవారు నలుగురైదుగురు MLA లు గా ఎన్నికైనా, కనీసం ఒకటి, అరా మంత్రి పదవి దక్కకపోదు. 

BC జనాభా, ముస్లిం జనాభా, ఎక్కువగా ఉన్న తెలంగాణా విడిపోతేనే మనకు 'ప్రత్యేక ఆంధ్రా' లో ఉద్యోగ, ఉపాధి అవకాశాలు మెరుగవుతాయి. గత  ప్రభుత్వం, ముఖ్య మంత్రి, కమ్మవారు ఎక్కువగా ఉన్న జిల్లా ప్రజా పరిషత్ లు, శాసనసభ నియోజక వర్గాలు, BC లకు రిజర్వ్ చేసి రాజకీయంగా కమ్మవారిని దెబ్బ తీశారు. 


ప్రస్తుతం రాయలసీమ, తెలంగాణా ప్రాంతాలలో మైనారిటీ గా ఉండి అధికారం చెలాయించే ఒక కులం వారికి రాష్ట్రం రెండుగా విడిపోతే వాళ్ళ పప్పులు ఉడకవనే దురుద్దేశం తో 'రాయల తెలంగాణా' అంశాన్ని తెర పైకి తెచ్చి ఆ ప్రయత్నంలో విఫలం అయ్యారు.  'ఆంధ్రా రాష్ట్రం' రెండుగా విడిపోతే 'ప్రత్యేక ఆంధ్రాలో' (రాయలసీమతో కలుపుకుని) ఆ కులం జనాభా 6%, 'తెలంగాణా' లో 5% కంటే ఎక్కువ ఉండదు. తెలంగాణాలో BC ల జానాభా ఆ కులం వారికంటే, అయిదు రెట్లు అధికంగా ఉంటుంది. కాబట్టి ఆ కులం వారికి 'ఆంధ్రా' , 'తెలంగాణా' రాష్ట్రాలలో అధికారం దక్కటం కష్టం. అందువలనే గత ుఖ్యమంత్రి, కిరణ్ కుమార్ రెడ్డి తెలంగాణా కు వ్యతిరేకంగా ఉన్నాడు. 


విజయవాడ, గుంటూరు పట్టణాల మధ్య, లేదా ఒంగోలు ప్రాంతంలో రాజధాని ఏర్పడినా కమ్మవారికి ప్రయోజనమే! విజయవాడ, రాజమండ్రి, విశాఖపట్నం, గుంటూరు, ఒంగోలు వంటి పట్టణాలు అభివృద్ధి చెందితే కమ్మవారికి అన్ని రకాలుగా ప్రయోజనం కలుగుతుంది. 

ఈ ప్రభుత్వం, మరియు మాజీ ముఖ్యమంత్రి కమ్మవారికి వ్యతిరేకంగా, కమ్మవారి రాజకీయ, ఆర్ధిక ప్రయోజనాలు దెబ్బతినే విధంగా నిర్ణయాలు తీసుకున్నారు. ఇంకోసారి అధికారంలోకి వచ్చి కమ్మవారిని ఇదేవిధంగా కోలుకోలేని దెబ్బ తీస్తే, ఆ తరువాత తమకు ఆంధ్రా లో ఎదురుండదని ఆయన అభిప్రాయం. ఇప్పుడు ప్రత్యెక ఆంధ్ర రాష్ట్రం ఏర్పడింది కాబట్టి మన జానాభా అధికంగా ఉండిమనకు అవకాశాలు, అనుకూలతలు మెండుగా ఉండే ఈ రాష్ట్రంలో మన అభివృద్ధి అనివార్యం.

హైదరాబాద్ లో ఆస్తులు కలిగిన కొందరు తల్లిపాలు తాగి రొమ్ము గుద్దే ఆంధ్ర ప్రాంతానికి చెందిన స్వార్ధపరులు తమ స్వప్రయోజనాల కోసమే ప్రత్యేక ఆంధ్రకు వ్యతిరేకం గా ఉన్నారు. ప్రస్తుతం హైదరాబాద్ లో స్థిరపడిన ఆంధ్రా ప్రాంతం వాళ్ళలో ఎక్కువ మంది మన ప్రాంతంలో సరైన ఉపాధి, వ్యాపార అవకాశాలు లేక ఇక్కడికి బ్రతుకుతెరువు కోసం వచ్చిన వారే. గత 15-20 సంవత్సరాలలో ఈ సంఖ్య బాగా ఎక్కువైంది. 


ఆంధ్ర ప్రాంతం లో విద్యాధికులు ఎక్కువగా ఉన్నా కాని, పారిశ్రామికంగా వెనుకబడి ఉండటం మూలంగా ఉపాధి కోసం హైదరాబాద్ వలస రావటం తప్పనిసరైంది. ఒక పధకం ప్రకారం గతంలో పాలకులు విజయవాడ, గుంటూరు, రాజమండ్రి వంటి పట్టణాలను పారిశ్రామిక రంగంలో నిర్లక్ష్యం చేసారు. 

ఉక్కు కాకాని 'ప్రత్యేక ఆంధ్ర' రాష్ట్రాన్ని 35 సంవత్సరాల క్రితం సాధించ కలిగి ఉంటే, విద్యాధికులు, ఆర్ధికంగా బలవంతులైన ఆంధ్ర ప్రాంతం వారు, విదేశాలలో స్థిరపడిన వారు ఈ ప్రాంతాన్ని 'గుజరాత్', 'మహారాష్ట్ర' వంటి రాష్ట్రాలకు దీటుగా వ్యాపార, పారిశ్రామిక రంగాలలో తీర్చిదిద్దేవారు.

కొంతమంది ఆంధ్ర ప్రాంతం వారు చేస్తున్నవాదం ప్రకారం, గత ఐదు దశాబ్దాలలో ఆంధ్ర ప్రదేశ్ లోని అన్ని ప్రాంతాలలో పన్ను వసూళ్ళు, ఇతర ఆదాయంలో ఎక్కువ భాగం 'హైదరాబాద్', 'తెలంగాణా' రాష్ట్రాలలో ఖర్చు చేశారు కాబట్టి, ఆంధ్ర రాష్ట్రం విడిపోకూడదు అని ప్రచారం చేశారు.  'హైదరాబాద్' తెలంగాణా నడిబొడ్డు, గుండెకాయ లాంటిది. 'హైదరాబాద్' కేంద్రపాలిత ప్రాంతం గా ఉండాలనే హక్కు మనకి లేదు, హైదరాబాద్ తెలంగాణా లో కలిసిఉన్నా, లేకపోయినా 'ఆంధ్ర ప్రాంతం' వారికి వచ్చే నష్టం లేదు. నష్టం అంటూ ఉంటే 'ఆర్ధికంగా' బలిసిన కొంతమంది ఆంధ్ర ప్రాంత 'బడా బాబులకు' మాత్రమె.

ఇప్పటికే ఆంధ్ర ప్రాంతం లో సంపద అంతా హైదరాబాద్ లో ఖర్చు చేశారు. ఈ సంపద అంతా ఆంధ్ర ప్రాంతం వారికి 'సముద్రం లో పోసిన మంచినీరే!', సముద్రంలో మంచినీరు పారబోస్తే మళ్లీ అదే మంచినీరు వెనక్కు తెచ్చుకోలేము. ఇంకా కొంతకాలం ఇదే విధంగా జరిగితే మనకు మరింత నష్టం.ప్రభుత్వ సమాచారం ప్రకారం రాష్ట్ర ఆదాయం లో ఎక్కువ భాగం తెలంగాణా కు ఖర్చు చేస్తున్నామని లెక్కలు చెపుతున్నారు. అంటే ఆంధ్ర ప్రాంతం వారికి తీవ్ర అన్యాయం జరుగుతున్నట్లే కదా! మనం మన ఆదాయాన్ని వేరొకరి ఖర్చుచేసి మరింతగా వెనుకబడిపోతున్నప్పుడు, ఇంకా కలిసి ఉండటం కంటే విడిపోతేనే మన ప్రాంతానికి మంచి జరుగుతుంది  కదా! 


హైదరాబాద్, తెలంగాణా బీడు భూములు లక్షలు, కోట్లు పలుకుతున్నాయి, అక్కడి ప్రజల ఆర్ధిక స్థితి, జీవన ప్రమాణాలు గణనీయం గా మెరుగు పడ్డాయి,  కాని మన ప్రాంతంలో రైతన్నలు మాత్రం గిట్టుబాటు ధరలు లేక ఆత్మహత్యలు చేసుకుంటున్నారు, చదువుకున్నవారికి ఉపాధి లేక నిరాశ, నిసృహలో ఇతర ప్రాంతాలకు వలస బాట పట్టారు. 'ప్రత్యేక ఆంధ్ర' ఏర్పడింది కనుక మనకు SEZ లు వస్తాయి, పారిశ్రామిక వాడలు ఏర్పడతాయి, మన సంపాదన మనకే ఖర్చు చేసుకోవచ్చు, మన రైతుల భూములు లక్షలు పలుకుతాయి, మన యువకులకు మన ప్రాంతంలోనే ఉపాధి, ఉద్యోగ అవకాశాలు లభిస్తాయి.


హైదరాబాద్ ప్రాంతంలో వ్యాపారాలు చేసుకుంటూ, అక్కడే ఆస్తులు పోగేసుకున్న లగడపాటి రాజగోపాల్ వంటి కొందరు స్వార్ధపరులు తమ ఆస్తులు, సంపద పెంచుకోవటానికి 'తెలంగాణా' ఏర్పాటుకు వ్యతిరేకంగా అనవసర రాద్ధాంతం చేసి ఆంధ్రులపై తెలంగాణా ప్రాంతం వారికి ద్వేష భావం కలిగేలా ప్రవర్తించారు. 'ఆంధ్ర ప్రాంతం' ఎంతగా వెనుకబడినా వీరికి నష్టం లేదు, ఎందుకంటె వీళ్ళు ఫక్తు వ్యాపారవేత్తలు, శవాలను పీక్కుని తినే రాబందులు. 


పెద్ద మనసుతో మనం తెలంగాణా ప్రజల సెంటిమెంటును అర్ధం చేసుకుని 'ప్రత్యెక తెలంగాణా'కు మద్దతు తెలియ చేయటం ద్వారా వారితో స్నేహ సంభందాలు మెరుగు పరచుకుని, ప్రత్యెక ఆంధ్ర రాష్ట్రంలో అభివృధి సాధిద్దాం. ఇప్పుడు 'ఆంధ్ర రాష్ట్రానికి' ఇదు సంవత్సరాలకు ఇచ్చిన ప్రత్యెక ప్రతిపత్తి బి. జె . పి కనుక అధికారంలో కి వస్తే రాబోయే కాలంలో ఆంధ్ర రాష్ట్రంలో బలం పెంచుకొనే ఉద్దేశంతో మరో ఇదే సంవత్సరాలు పొడిగించ వచ్చు. ఇప్పటికే ఆ పార్టీ ఈ వాగ్దానాన్ని తలకెత్తుకున్ది. ఈ పది సంవత్సరాలలో మనం కష్టపడి పునర్నిర్మాణం చేసుకుంటే మన రాష్ట్రం పారిశ్రామిక, వ్యవసాయ రంగాలలో మరో గుజరాత్, పంజాబ్, హర్యానా రాష్ట్రాల వలె అభివృద్ధి చెందుతుందని ఆశించడంలో ఏ విధమైన సందేహం లెదు. 

మనం మన రాష్ట్రాన్ని నూతనం గా పునర్నిర్మిన్చుకుందాము. అభివృద్ధి అంతా ఒకే ప్రాంతం లేదా కొన్ని ప్రాంతాల్లో కేంద్రీకృతం కాకుండా, పారిశ్రామికీకరణ, అభివృద్ధి, వికేంద్రీకరణ జరిగి అన్ని ప్రాంతాలు సమానంగా  అభివృద్ధి జరిగితే భవిష్యత్తులో మరల ప్రత్యెక రాయలసీమ, ప్రత్యెక ఉత్తరాంధ్ర అనే వేర్పాటు వాద ఉద్యమాలు వచ్చేందుకు ఆస్కారం ఉండదు. 

Tuesday, February 18, 2014

Dominant caste and territory in South India (Kammas) By Dalel Benbabaali

The case of the Kammas of Andhra Pradesh

Dalel Benbabaali In the existing literature on caste, the concept of territory, which can be defined as social, economic and political appropriation of space, is very often absent. My argument is that one cannot understand caste dominance without taking into account territorial control. This argument is all the more relevant in the case of Andhra Pradesh, where the demand for a separate Telangana State is partly related to questions of caste domination. Traditionally, the Kammas are dominant in Coastal Andhra, whereas the Reddis are dominant in the interior regions of Telangana and Rayalaseema. These two castes have been controlling the politics of Andhra Pradesh since the formation of the State in 1956, and even before, since they were at the forefront of the movement for a linguistic Telugu State. Both these castes are originally farming communities - in varna terms, Shudras -, which means that their ritual status is relatively low. However, they claim that they are Kshatriyas (the traditional warrior varna), because some of their ancestors were local kings or army commanders under the Vijayanagar empire. They are not commonly perceived as Shudras  because of their upward social mobility in the last century, which explains that today they are not entitled to « backward caste » or OBC reservations, unlike other agrarian castes of North India like the Kurmis. Both Kammas and Reddis are landowning communities. 

The main difference is that Kamma  property is concentrated in the agriculturally rich Krishna and Godavari deltas, where land is fertile and irrigated, whereas Reddis own land in the arid Deccan plateau, where irrigation is rare. In terms of assets, Kammas are therefore more prosperous, but in terms of political  power, Reddis have been dominating the State through their control of the Congress Party since Independence. It’s only in the 1980s, with the creation of a regional party called the Telugu Desam Party (the TDP), that the ex-movie star N.T. Rama Rao (NTR) became the first Kamma Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, followed by his son-in-law Chandrababu Naidu. Kammas have a very high propensity to migrate, wherever they see investment opportunities, whether in new irrigation projects, or business and real estate in the cities, especially in Hyderabad. They also migrated to other South Indian States like Karnataka and Tamil Nadu, and abroad, mostly to the United States. Since we are in Princeton, I should mention that New Jersey has the highest concentration of Kammas in America, along with California. In the US, they are mostly entrepreneurs or work in the IT industry, and they are dominant among the Telugu diaspora. They control the Telugu Association of North America (TANA). The Reddis resented this domination and created their own organization, called American Telugu Association (ATA). This shows that the rivalry between these two dominant castes of Andhra Pradesh exists even in the US.

What I’d like to talk about today is the link between migration and upward social mobility,  but also the power mechanisms that prevent the mobility of the castes dominated by Kammas in the territories they control. The aim of my research was to re-define the concept of dominant caste, which was first studied in 1950s by M.N. Srinivas at the village level, to make it relevant in contemporary India by taking into account the rapid urbanization and increased social and spatial mobility of the elites. According to Srinivas, “ For a caste to be dominant, it should own a sizable amount of the arable land locally available, have strength of numbers and occupy a high place in the local hierarchy.

Kammas form only 5% of the population of Andhra Pradesh, but more than 20% in the Krishna delta where they own 80% of the agricultural land. Despite their relatively small numbers at the State level, they occupy key positions in the politics and economy of Andhra Pradesh, and to a lesser extent of Tamil Nadu and Karnataka. Taking territory into account is essential to understand the change in the scale and nature of caste dominance and to study its regional variations. When the Telugu Desam Party won the elections in Andhra Pradesh, the Kamma control over State power helped them consolidate their influence. They also dominate the Telugu media and cinema, which gives them sociocultural preeminence. These new attributes of dominance, which are ideological and not only material, have a hegemonic character. However, this hegemony is challenged by the growing resistance of Dalits to caste and class oppression. 

Kamma cultural domination has also been contested by the supporters of a separate Telangana State. Now that the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh has been announced, Kammas’ interests are likely to be harmed, at least inTelangana. Before trying to examine whether the creation of Telangana will lead to a decline of Kamma dominance, I’d to go back to the history of this community to trace both their spatial and social trajectories.

Kammas’ early history is associated with buddhism, which was very influential in the Krishna valley in the 3rd century. According to epigraphical records, the Krishna delta area at that time was known as Kammanadu, and the main farming community living there was called Kamma. But it is only after the 10th century that the name Kamma started referring to a specific Hindu agrarian caste. Most Kammas were small farmers, but some of them worked as soldiers for the Kakatiya kings of Warangal. The Kamma historian K.B. Chowdary tries to  prove the martial origin of his caste based on matrimonial alliances between Kammas and members of the Kakatiya dynasty. It is based on his book that Kammas continue to claim Kshatriya status, although traditionally their main occupation is agriculture. During the Vijayanagar empire, more and more Kamma farmers were employed as soldiers, and even as army commanders, to participate in the conquest of the Tamil country. At that time, war was the main migration factor, and this explains the presence today of a large Kamma community in Tamil Nadu, which is the consequence of military migrations from the 15th century onwards. In times of peace, the Kamma settlers engaged in agricultural activities on the conquered territories of South India. Since they needed manpower to clear the forest lands, and service castes to take care of so-called “polluting” tasks, they brought with them Telugu speaking untouchable communities, known today in Tamil Nadu as Sakkiliars.

Along with this process of military conquest in the South, Kammas also acquired land in the interior regions of the Deccan Plateau. Agricultural colonisation was another major factor of migration for the dominant castes, and it led to the dispossession of tribals and smalls farmers from their lands. The Telangana region at that time was under the control of Muslim rulers who collected taxes through members of the dominant castes that were given the title of chowdharis. Muslim princes thus played a role in reinforcing caste hierarchy because they saw it as a guarantee of social order among their Hindu subjects. Kamma chowdaris used their title to consolidate their holdings in Telangana, while a few becamezamindars or big landlords in Coastal Andhra. The Nizams of Hyderabad even called Kamma farmers from Andhra to develop agriculture in Telangana, generously granting them titles to land, since they were considered expert rice cultivators due to their experience of irrigation in the deltas. In the mid-19th century, the Britishers had built two big dams in Coastal Andhra on the Krishna and Godavari rivers. Kamma farmers benefitted tremendously from the agrarian development that followed the introduction of canal irrigation in British-ruled Andhra. Even the middle peasantry that was paying taxes directly under the ryotwari system became richer thanks to irrigation and the introduction of cash crops like sugarcane, tobacco and cotton. In a context of generalised commodification of land, the value of their properties increased so much that by selling one acre of land in the Krishna delta, they could buy 10 acres in the dry areas of Telangana. The main crop grown in the fertile deltaic lands was paddy or rice, which soon became a commercial crop thanks to the surpluses produced. 

The commercialisation of agriculture in Coastal Andhra led to the development of transportation infrastructures, urban growth and industrialisation. The small town of Vijayawada became a thriving commercial market and an important railway junction. Kamma farmers diversified their activities by migrating to urban areas while keeping land in their villages. They used their agricultural surplus to invest in bus companies or in food processing industries like rice mills and sugar factories. They also started commercialising their own agricultural production and became moneylenders, thus bypassing the traditional merchant castes and business communities. This process of capital accumulation by the rich Kamma farmers led to an increased  polarisation of the agrarian social structure, with the emergence of a class of Kulaks within the Andhra peasantry. In spite of this class differenciation, the Kammas made conscious efforts to remain united by using caste as a social capital. They created their first caste association in the beginning of the 20th century and used the funds to provide scholarships to children from poor Kamma families and to build Kamma hostels in the cities. Education was seen as a key to social mobility and even small farmers were eager to send their children to study in English-medium schools outside the villages. That’s what M.N. Srinivas calls “westernization”, as opposed to “sanskritization”, which is another way of improving one’s status by adopting the Brahminical rituals. There was a brief attempt at sanskritization by Kammas when some caste members became priests to celebrate weddings within the community, but the rationalist anti-Brahmin movement also had a strong influence on Kammas.

Some joined the non-Brahmin Justice Party which was supported by the middle castes asking for reservations in the Madras Presidency. The Britishers accepted those demands in order to  break the hegemony of Brahmins in the administration, because they suspected them of being nationalist. In the 1930s, with the economic depression, and rise in taxes which was harming farmers’ interests, many Kammas shifted from their pro-British position to a nationalist one. The Andhra Communist Party was supported mostly by the Kamma peasantry, who saw in this new party a vehicle for political power, since the Congress Party in Andhra was controlled by the Reddis. Some Kammas took part in the Telangana rebellion against feudal landlords in the 1940s. One year after India got Independence, Nehru sent the army to forcibly annex the princely State of Hyderabad to the Indian Union. This led to a massacre, affecting mostly Muslim villagers. Telangana was later merged with the Andhra province, and Hyderabad became the capital of Andhra Pradesh, the first Indian State to be formed on a linguistic basis. The demand for a Telugu State, separated from the Tamil province, was an old demand by the Telugu-speaking dominant castes.

Kammas’ support of the Communist Party can also be explained by the fact that the Andhra communists were in favor of Telugu regionalism, against the domination of Tamils in the multilingual Madras State. But the formation of linguistic States mostly served the interests of dominant castes, as the Dalit leader Ambedkar noted: “ In our country, linguism is only another name for communalism. Take Andhra. There are two major communities spread over the linguistic area. They are either the Reddis or the  Kammas. They hold all the land, all the offices, all the business. The untouchables live in  subordinate dependence on them. In a linguistic state, what would remain for the smaller communities to look to?”

After the formation of Andhra Pradesh, the Andhra Communist Party lost one of its main electoral argument and started declining. The Congress won the State elections and remained in power for almost three decades, mostly in the hands of the Reddis, even though some Kamma Congressmen were also present in the State Legislative Assembly, where the dominant castes continue to be overrepresented till today. These territorial recompositions encouraged the migration of Kammas from Andhra to Telangana, especially to Hyderabad. Kamma settlers were educationally more advanced and wealthier than Telangana people who had lived under the Nizam rule, so migration from Andhra was perceived as a threat by the locals. In fact, the States Reorganization Commission was not in favor of the formation of Andhra Pradesh because of the lack of homogeneity between Telangana and Andhra due to their distinct history and geography. 

Coastal Andhra is naturally endowed with rich plains of fertile and irrigated lands, whereas agriculture in the arid Deccan plateau is not as developed. Under the Nizams, Telangana was characterized by feudal relations in agriculture and a very restricted access to modern education. Even the landlords of Telangana were lagging behind the capitalist Kamma farmers who benefitted from the British rule. This uneven development continued after Independence, since most of the new irrigation  projects took place in Coastal Andhra, where the Green Revolution was introduced in the 1960s. Kammas were the main beneficiaries of the Green revolution, since they had enough capital to invest in the new techniques of production and they were generally entrepreneurial. Their wealth tremendously increased. They resented the Land Ceiling Act which they  perceived as a direct attack against their economic power by the Brahmin Chief Minister  Narasimha Rao. However, the land reforms didn't radically change the agrarian structure. The  big landlords may have lost some of their property, but the middle peasantry was not really affected because they could manage to divide their lands among family members. The landless farmers, who mostly belonged to the Dalit castes, didn’t benefit from the reforms. The Green Revolution accelerated the process of economic diversification in the rural areas of Coastal Andhra. 

The rich Kamma farmers were no longer dependent on agriculture. They invested in agro-industries, transportation business, and they were able to send their children to Hyderabad for higher education. They became more and more urban-oriented, in search of new avenues of employment. When they migrated to rural areas, it was mostly to new irrigation projects, because they knew they could buy cheap lands in Telangana or in the neighbouring State of Karnataka, and then improve their plots once irrigation was available and thus benefit from land appreciation. Even in cities like Hyderabad, when they bought land, it was often speculative as they were very active in the real estate business. This flow of capital from Andhra to Telangana was not perceived by the locals as a positive sign of economic development for their region, but as exploitation of their poorer conditions. Kamma settlers in Telangana claim that they « turned the desert green », which is a typical colonist narrative. In fact, they were looking for cheaper land and cheaper manpower. When land was not available for sale, Kammas used to practice « reverse tenancy », by taking land on lease from poor farmers and lending them money. When the local farmers became too indebted to their rich Kamma tenants, they ultimately had to yield their lands. In Hyderabad,  people coming from Andhra had an advantage to access higher education and employment  because they had benefitted from English schooling in their region, which was long controlled  by the Britishers. This harsh competition from Andhra migrants led to the first Telangana separatist movement in 1969. 

It is only in the 1980s that the number of Kamma settlers in Hyderabad increased significantly. According to some Kamma informants, they felt encouraged to migrate to the capital-city after the Telugu Desam Party came to power in 1983. For the first time a Kamma Chief Minister, N.T. Rama Rao (NTR), was leading the State, and many of his caste fellows felt that this would open new opportunities to them in the capital-city. The victory of the Telugu Desam Party, just a few months after its creation, can be explained by the interference of the central government from Delhi in choosing the Congress Chief Ministers of Andhra Pradesh. NTR won the elections after a campaign on the regionalist theme of « telugu pride », which was supported by the media, especially by the Telugu newspaper Eanadu, owned by the Kamma billionaire Ramoji Rao, who also owns ETV. The control of the regional media  by Kamma businessmen helped NTR to capture State power. His charisma as an ex-movie star and his populist promises like welfare schemes and food subsidies are also important factors behind his victory. On top of his personal fortune, he benefitted from the financial support of big Kamma industrialists who wanted a Chief Minister from their caste to serve their interests. Before NTR ’s election as the head of the State, there was a discrepancy between Kammas’ economic wealth and their lack of decisive political power, since they were sidelined by the Reddis dominating the Congress.

NTR’s trajectory from an agricultural family to cinema and then politics is typical of Kammas  pattern of upward social mobility. The Telugu film industry, which is the second in India after Bollywood, in terms of number of movies released every year, is dominated by Kamma directors, producers and actors, with some exceptions like Chiranjivi, the Kapu superstar-turned-politician. Corporate health and education are also major sectors in which Kammas have invested their money. The first generation of Kamma doctors, who migrated to the United States in the 1960s, accumulated capital abroad and came back to Hyderabad in the 1980s, encouraged by NTR, to invest in private hospitals. Apart from medicine, engineering is one of the most common career option among the young Kamma generation, but since they are not entitled to reservations, they generally study in private colleges, generally owned by Kamma businessmen. The cost of these educational institutions is so high that other communities can hardly afford to study there. 

This corporatisation of health and education in Andhra Pradesh was started by Kammas in the 1980s, even before the liberalisation process that took place at the national level after 1991. From 1995 to 2004, under the regime of the Chandrababu Naidu, NTR’s son-in-law, economic reforms and the disengagement of the State accelerated this phenomenon. TDP Chief Minister Naidu became the darling of the corporate media and of the World Bank which granted him a loan for the development of his. It was the first time that an international institution like the World Bank gave a loan to a subnational entity. Naidu made Hyderabad a showcase for his neoliberal policies. He focused on urban infrastructure and global growth sectors like Information Technology. He decided to develop HITEC City in the western  periphery of Hyderabad, near the residential areas of Jubilee Hills and Kukatpally, were most of the Kamma settlers live. This led to a tremendous appreciation of their properties. Kamma  businessmen who benefitted from political patronage and privileged access to information for real estate speculation could make a lot of profit by investing in those areas. Chandrababu  Naidu was accused of corruption, nepotism and casteism since his development choices clearly benefitted to his own Kamma community. In 1999, a post-electoral survey showed that 87% of Kamma voters re-elected him for a second mandate.

It is under Naidu’s regime of almost one decade that the Kamma caste really became hegemonic in Andhra Pradesh. I borrow here Gramsci’s concept of hegemony, which refers to a kind of domination that is not only material, but also ideological. By migrating to urban areas, Kammas started enjoying new attributes of dominance, not based on landownership alone, but on control over the media, culture and politics. After seizing State power, they were able to impose on the rest of society the neoliberal ideology which served their capitalist interests best. This led to a lopsided type of development which increased social and spatial inequalities, by affecting poor farmers and rural areas most. Between 1997 and 2004, more than 3000 farmers committed suicide in Andhra Pradesh, especially in the less developed regions of Telangana and Rayalaseema. 

The liberalisation of agriculture led to an increase in  production costs, so even in Coastal Andhra, agriculture is not very profitable anymore. However, Kammas generally don’t sell their lands when they migrate to the cities. For them land is an important symbol of prestige and power, therefore they prefer to give it on lease to tenants because they know that the value of land is not going to decrease, and agricultural incomes are not taxed anyway. The land around Vijayawada in the Krishna delta has appreciated tremendously since the formation of the Telangana State because of the speculation on the future status of Vijayawada as a possible capital-city for Andhra. Even Kammas living abroad are sending remittances back to India for their families to buy more land in the Krishna delta, as a purely speculative investment. Land is also used as dowry. Kammas are known in Andhra Pradesh for having the most conspicuous weddings and for giving the highest dowries to their daughters, especially in the form of land and gold. Though Kammas have retained their economic power, they have lost some of their political influence after the Congress party came back to power in the 2004 State elections. The formation of Telangana might harm their economic interests in Hyderabad, but if Vijayawada  becomes the new capital of Andhra, they might very well repatriate their investments and make them thrive there as well. 

Kammas may also capture State power in the new Andhra State. The decline of Kamma dominance therefore is not so much economic or even political,  but mostly social and cultural, because of the increasing resistance to their cultural hegemony in Telangana, and the social contestation of their caste domination by the Dalits, whom they have used as agricultural labour and oppressed for centuries. The Dalit movement in Andhra Pradesh started organizing after a massacre perpetrated by Kamma landlords in 1985 in a village called Karamchedu, one of the richest and most developed village of coastal Andhra. This goes against the argument that caste atrocities happen only in backward regions. The two main Dalit communities of Karamchedu, the Malas and Madigas, benefitted quite early from the Christian missionaries’ activities, and then from the reservation policy. They started sending their children to school, getting employment outside agriculture, and becoming politically aware. This is precisely what the dominant caste had a problem with. Dalit assertion meant that Kammas could no longer control their votes and transform their economic dependence into political loyalty.

After the creation of the Telugu Desam Party, the Dalits of Karamchedu continued to vote for the Congress, against their Kamma employers who supported the TDP. This Dalit resistance was perceived by the Kammas as a dangerous sign of rebellion and contestation of their traditional dominance, so they decided to attack them to “teach them a lesson” (which is the expression they use). The  pretext for retaliation was an incident that opposed a Kamma boy to a Madiga woman who scolded him for washing his buffalo in the pond used by Dalits for drinking water. This was seen by the Kamma landlords as a sufficient provocation to plan a punitive expedition to the Madiga hamlet, burn down their huts, rape three women, beat up men with axes, leaving many terribly injured and six murdered.

As a response to this event of extraordinary violence, a strong mobilisation led to the creation of the Dalit Mahasabha that soon spread across the entire State. This organization fought for the culprits to be punished, but NTR, who was then the Chief Minister, had Kamma relatives in Karamchedu, one of them directly involved in the massacre, and whose name was not even included in the list of the 92 accused. 23 years after the killings, only one accused was condemned to life emprisonment, and 30 others to 3 years in jail. The victims consider that this judgement didn’t bring them justice. NTR’s relative, who premeditated the massacre and escaped from the court, was later killed by Naxalites. The Peoples’ War Group was the main naxalite organization in Andhra Pradesh at that time. They were very active in Telangana, where the struggle took shape along class lines rather than caste. The Maoists consider Kammas and Reddis as “class enemies” more than “dominant castes”.

There is a very strong correlation between caste and class and it is often difficult to disentangle both. The big landlords and the ruling class of Andhra Pradesh mostly belong to the dominant castes and they used State power to crush the Naxalite movement which was threatening their interests. Let me quote here the human rights activist Balagopal: “After the Telugu Desam party came to power, the ruthlessness of the repression on Maoists has increased manifold, and its class content is clearly revealed in the exchanges in the State Legislative Assembly, which is  populated by the cream of the absentee landlords, contractors, financiers, businessmen and brokers. Suppression of the rural poor is an important requirement for the strengthening of the hegemony of this class. It is not just that payment of higher wages would affect its accumulation, or that the demand for land redistribution would affect its property; it is a political requirement, too.”

Both under NTR and Chandrababu Naidu’s regimes, the paramilitary forces killed hundreds of Naxalite guerillas as well as un-armed tribal sympathisers in fake encounters. This is why the Maoists have moved from Andhra Pradesh to the neighbouring State of Chhattisgarh. It clearly appears that caste dominance has to do with territorial control, and that access to State power is essential to promote specific caste and class interests. This is why the Kammas of Tamil Nadu and Karnataka are not as hegemonic as the Kammas of Andhra Pradesh,  because outside their State of origin, they are considered a Telugu linguistic minority and they don’t have so much political power. However, they are locally dominant in some pockets of north Karnataka, where they have become very rich after migrating to buy lands in the new irrigated belt of the Tungabhadra river. They are also dominant in cities of Tamil Nadu like Coimbatore, where they own most of the textile factories and other industries. I have conducted fieldwork in all these places, to compare the nature and level of Kamma dominance depending on the territory they live in and how much control they have over it. My methodology was mostly qualitative, based on interviews and ethnographic studies, but I have also used a questionnaire to do a survey among a sample of 200 Kamma households, one hundred in a village of the Krishna delta, called Godavarru, and another hundred in a suburb of Hyderabad, known as Kukatpally, so that I could make a quantitative analysis and compare the socio-economic profile of Kammas both in rural and urban areas.

The questionnaire was about their migration patterns, educational levels, family structures,  professional mobility, economic position, social and political participation. Migration was found to be an important aspect of Kammas social mobility. Even in rural areas, 20% of Kamma households had a family member abroad sending remittances that improved their economic status. The educational level of Kammas in Hyderabad was obviously higher than in the surveyed village, but in rural areas too, Kammas invest a lot in their children education so that they can move out of agriculture to enter urban professions. Most live in nuclear families and have no more than two children to avoid the division of property. Endogamy is strictly respected with a very few exceptions. Subcaste doesn’t matter anymore:

Kammas belonging to different subcastes don’t mind intermarriage. Though the socio-economic status of Kammas in Hyderabad is far higher in terms of incomes and assets, the Kamma rural elites enjoy a stronger dominance over the backward and dalit castes. Kamma dominance in urban areas is of a different nature. To understand what caste dominance means in the cities, I did a comparative study of two regional towns, Vijayawada in Andhra Pradesh and Coimbatore in Tamil Nadu. In Vijayawada, Kammas form a class of  bourgeois neo-rich who acquired their wealth in a short time by doing all kinds of businesses, including illegal activities. In Coimbatore, Kammas have built their wealth in the textile industry over a long period of time, since they first migrated there as cotton farmers. Some  belong to old aristocratic families who settled in Tamil Nadu a few centuries ago as army commanders or big landlords. Their culture is totally different from Andhra Kammas and they rarely intermarry. They speak a Telugu which is mixed with Tamil words, and they are much more cultured and well-read. That doesn’t make them any less exploitative of their manpower in the textile factories, where they generally employ lower caste girls who migrate to the mills, sign a 3 year contract, at the end of which they get married with the little savings they could gather for their dowry. The short contracts are favored by the Kamma bosses to avoid the unionisation of their workers who keep changing and have no time to organize. That’show they have put an end to the strikes that were common in Coimbatore textile industry. 

This extremely wealthy capitalist class tries to improve its image through philanthropy. They fund hospitals and educational institutions through their trusts, whereas in Vijaywada, both health and education are a business only aimed at making profits, owned by very aggressive Kamma entrepreneurs. In Coimbatore, Kamma dominance is less political than in Vijayawada, where business, caste and politics are very much intertwined. A violent rivalry opposes Kapu and Kamma politicians in Vijayawada, which led to political murders and riots  between the two communities. Apart from these two cities, I also conducted fieldwork in rural areas of Telangana and Karnataka where Kammas have migrated in search of « greener pastures ». In Telangana, they were attracted by the Sriram Sagar project in Nizamabad district, and in Karnataka, they went for the Tungabhadra project in Raichur and Bellary districts. Kamma farmers claim that they  brought development to those areas by « teaching » rice cultivation to the locals, but their arrival was perceived as a form of internal colonisation, especially in Telangana, where the  best lands were acquired by the settlers.

Recently, there was a controversy over a Telugu novel by a Kamma writer, Chandralata, whom I interviewed in Hyderabad and who told me that her book was partly autobiographical since she tells the story of her father who migrated from Coastal Andhra to Telangana in the 1960s to buy land in black cotton soil areas. That explains the title of her novel, Regadi vittulu, in Telugu, which means « Seeds of black soil ». Kammas claim to be experts in the cultivation of this type of soil that can give good yields if water is available. This book was awarded the « best Telugu novel » prize by the Telugu Association of North America (TANA). This prize was contested in Telangana. TANA was accused of caste favoritism since the association is dominated by Kammas living in the US, and the novel was criticized for  portraying Telangana people as unable to develop their own lands, and for presenting Telangana culture in a negative light, as backward. This controversy over the book shows that the regionalist sentiment which led to the creation of a separate Telangana is not only about economic domination by Andhras, but also about cultural domination. For example, many  people resent the fact that the Telugu film industry, which is controlled by Kammas, makes fun of the Telangana dialects, which are generally spoken in the movies by the villain, under-class or criminals characters. 

To conclude, caste dominance can take many different forms: its nature and degree vary according to the territory observed, whether it is a rural or urban area, whether it is a small town or a big city, whether the dominant caste is originally from the place or migrated there. If the concept of dominant caste is still relevant in today’s India, one has to take into account new attributes of dominance which are not related only to landownership, but also to culture and ideology via the control of the media, the entertainment industry and State power. This is why I found the concept of hegemony very useful for my study of the Kamma caste, but it is important to bear in mind that «No hegemony can be so pervasive as to eliminate all ground  for contestation or resistance»

Kamma IRS ( Indian Revenue Officers ) updated list

Kamma IRS (Indian Revenue Service) officers (Past and Present) 

1. P.A.Chowdary
2. Muthuluri Narasimhappa
3. Kata Chandrahas
4. Kotha Hari Prasad
5. Kosaraju Veeraiah Chowdary
6. Koripalli Nageswara Rao
7. Venigalla NagaPrasad
8. Jasti Krishna Kishore
9. Bathina Ramesh
10. Vemulapalli Ramu
11. Bodduluri Hareram
12. Sunkara V.S.S.Prasad
13. Yalavarthi Rajendra
14. Kondaveeti Purnachandra Rao
15. Chirumamilla Venkaiah Chowdary
16. K.S.Rajendra Kumar
17. M.Subbaiah Chowdary
18. Katragadda Haritha
19. Vadlamudi Raghavendra Rao
20. Athota Satyanarayana
21. Edara Ravi Kiran

22. Kalyanam Rajesh Rama Rao
23. Dinesh Paruchuri
24. Vinaya Kumar Kantheti
25. Vikram Chand Meka
26. Venkata Siva Prasad Chirala
27. Siripurapu Padmaja
28. Cherukuri Srinivasa Rao
29. V.Appa Rao
30. Nuvvula Lakshmi Prasad
31. Uppalapati Anjaneyulu
32. Kotapati Vamsi Krishna
33. Ravi Anuradha
34. Valluri Srinivas
35. Vasantha Vijaya Babu
36. Kancherla HariPrasada Rao
37. Kantipudi Krishna Rao
38. Panda Gangadhar
39. Anumala Mallikarjuna Rao
40. Tummala Reddi Sekhar Naidu
41. Sompalle Gurukumar
42. Nuthalapati Sowmya
43. N.Ramkumar (Tamilnadu)
44. D.P. Naidu (Tamilnadu)
45. Seerani V Vidaysagar (Tamilnadu)
46. M.Prabhakaran (Tamilnadu)
47. Venkataswamy (Tamilnadu)

48. D.Kumutha (Tamilnadu)
49. Sivanna Reddy (Karnataka)

50. Bollineni Jyoti Kiran
51. Goli Srinivasa Rao
52. Attaluri Alankrutha
53. Morampudi AnilKumar
54. Kodali Gokul

Vijayawada as the New Capital of Separate Andhra Pradesh?

అనుకున్నదంతా ఐపొయింది, ఆంధ్ర రాష్ట్రం రెండు ముక్కలైంది. ఇప్పుడు మనముందున్న పెద్ద సమస్య సీమాంధ్ర రాష్ట్రానికి కొత్త రాజధాని. మనం తలుచుకుంటే ఒక దశాబ్ద కాలంలోనే హైదరాబాద్ ను తలదన్నే రాజధానిని తయారు చేసుకోగలం. కొత్త రాజధాని ఏ ప్రాంతంలో ఏర్పడినా కాని అభివృద్ధి, పారిశ్రామీకరణ అన్ని జిల్లాలలో సమానంగా జరిగినప్పుడే భవిష్యత్తులో కొత్త రాష్ట్రంలో అన్ని ప్రాంతాల ప్రజల్లో ఏ విధమైన అసంతృప్తి తలెత్తకుండా ఉంటుంది. 

రాజధాని ఏర్పాటు చేయాలంటే స్థల రాజకీయాలు, కుల రాజకీయాలు, వెనకబడిన ప్రాంతాల ఉద్ధరింపు ఇవేమీ ముఖ్యం కాదని అన్ని జిల్లాల వారు, ప్రాంతాల వారు గుర్తుంచు కొవాలి. రాజధాని ఏర్పాటుకు మౌలిక వసతులు, వనరులు, రవాణా, నీరు, భౌగోళిక స్వరూపం, జనాభా అతి ముఖ్యమైనవి. 

కొత్తగా ఏర్పడే సీమాంధ్ర రాష్ట్రానికి రాజధానిగా వుండే అర్హతలు కలిగిన పట్టణాలలో విజయవాడ, విశాఖపట్నం, తిరుపతి, కర్నూలు, నెల్లూరు వున్నాయి. ఈ పట్టణాలలో జనాభా పరంగా విశాఖపట్నం, గ్రేటర్ విజయవాడ పదిహేను లక్షలు పైగా జనాభా కలిగి ఉన్నాయి, మిగిలిన మూడు పట్టణాల జనాభా ఐదు, ఆరు లక్షల లోపు గానే ఉంటుంది. 

భౌగోళికంగా చూస్తే విజయవాడ, రాష్టంలో అన్ని ప్రాంతాలకు, తెలంగాణాకు కు కూడా అనుకూలంగా ఉండే పట్టణం. ఇక్కడ నుండి రాష్ట్రంలో అన్ని ముఖ్య పట్టణాలు  నాలుగు వందల కిలోమీటర్ల లోపు దూరంలోనే ఉన్నాయి. విజయవాడ పట్టణం రాష్ట్రంలో అన్ని జిల్లా కేంద్రాలకు, ముఖ్య పట్టణాలకు బస్సు, మరియు రవాణా సౌకర్యం కలిగి ఉంది.  ఈ పట్టణం నుండి రాష్ట్రం లోని ముఖ్య పట్టణాలు, మరియి దక్షిణ భారత దేశంలో ముఖ్య పట్టణాలు కలిపే రోడ్డు మార్గం కలిగి ఉంది. భారత దేశంలో అన్ని ప్రధాన పట్టణాలను కలిపే అతి పెద్ద రైల్వే కూడలి పట్టణంగా విజయవాడ నగరం యెంతో ప్రసిద్ధి చెందింది.  

విజయవాడలో విమానాశ్రయం ఉండటం కూడా ఎంతో అనుకూలాంశం. ఇప్పటికే విజయవాడ విమానాశ్రయానికి నాలుగు వందల నలభై ఎకరాల స్థలం కలిగి ఉంది, మరియు ఇంకో నాలుగు వందల ముప్పది రెండు ఎకరాల స్థల సేకరణకు రంగం సిద్ధమైంది. ఈ విమానాశ్రయం జాతీయ రహదారిని ఆనుకుని, విజయవాడ నగరానికి అతి సమీపంలో ఉంది. త్వరలోనే మచిలీపట్టణంలొ అతి పెద్ద నౌకాశ్రయం రాబోతుంది. 

ప్రభుత్వ కార్యాలయాలు, అసెంబ్లీ, సచివాలయం మొదలైన ముఖ్యమైన కార్యాలయాలు ఏర్పాటు చేసుకోవాలంటే పెద్ద మొత్తంలో ప్రభుత్వ స్థలాలు ఉన్న నగరం ఐతే రాజధానికి అనుకూలం గా ఉంటుందనే వాదన ఒకటి ఉంది. ఒకప్పుడు ప్రభుత్వ కార్యాలయాలకు పెద్ద మొత్తంలో స్థలం అవసరం అయ్యేది కానీ,  ప్రస్తుతం తక్కువ స్థలంలోనే బహుళ అంతస్తుల భవనాలు అన్ని సౌకర్యాలతో నిర్మించే అవకాశం వుంది, అందువలన ప్రభుత్వ మిగులు భూమి లభ్యత అనేది ముఖ్యమైన విషయం కానే కాదు, ఈ విధంగా చూసినా కూడా విజయవాడ పట్టణాన్ని ఆనుకొని మంగళగిరి, మరియు గన్నవరం ప్రాంతాలలో వందల ఎకరాల ప్రభుత్వ మిగులు భూములు ఉన్నాయి. 

విజయవాడ నగరంలో పుష్కలమైన నీటి లభ్యత ఉంది. ఈ నగరం నుండి కృష్ణా నది ప్రవహిస్తుంది, అదే విధంగా ఈ ప్రాంతంలో భూగర్భ జలాలు కూడా యెంతో ఎక్కువగా లభిస్తాయి. ఇన్ని అనుకూలతలు కలిగిన పట్టణం ఆంధ్ర రాష్ట్రంలో మరొకటి లెదు. ఇప్పటికే విజయవాడ నగరాన్ని వాణిజ్య, రాజకీయ, కళా రంగాలకు రాజధానిగా అభివర్ణిస్తారు.

కోస్తా జిల్లాల్లో ఆర్ధికంగా బలపడిన వారు వాణిజ్యవేత్తలు, పారిశ్రామికవేత్తలుగా ఎన్నో విజయాలు సాధించారు, హైదరాబాద్, బెంగుళూరు నగరాల్లో మరియు విదేశాలలో ఎన్నో పరిశ్రమలు స్థాపించారు, ఎందరికో ఉపాధి అవకాశాలు కల్పించారు, యెంతో సంపద సృష్టించారు. విజయవాడ రాజధానిగా ఏర్పడే పక్షంలో ఆ ప్రాంతంలో వీరు అనేక పరిశ్రమలు స్థాపించే అవకాశం ఉంది తద్వారా ఈ ప్రాంతం ఆర్ధికంగా, పారిశ్రామికంగా యెంతో అభివృద్ధి చెంది హైదరాబాద్ ను సవాలు చేసే అవకాశం వుంది. 

ఉమ్మడి మదరాసు రాష్ట్రం విడిపోయి ప్రత్యెక ఆంధ్ర రాష్ట్రము ఏర్పడినప్పుడు రాష్ట్ర రాజధానిగా కాంగ్రెస్ పెద్దలు రాష్ట్రానికి నడిబొడ్డు పట్టణం విజయవాడ ని పరిగణలోకి తీసుకున్నారు, కాని అప్పటికే ఇక్కడ కమ్యూనిస్ట్ పార్టీలు బలంగా ఉండటం, ఈ జిల్లాలో కమ్మ వారి ప్రాబల్యం అధికంగా వుండటం వంటి కారణాల వలన, రాష్ట్ర రాజకీయాల్లో మరియు కాంగ్రెస్ పార్టీలో  బలమైన రెడ్డి వర్గం విజయవాడ రాజధానిగా    ఏర్పాటు చేయాలనే అంశానికి ఆదిలోనే తెర దించి తాత్కాలిక రాజధానిగా కర్నూలు పట్టణాన్ని ఎంపిక చేశారు. కాని ఆ తరువాత మౌలిక వనరులు, వసతులు, భౌగోళిక స్వరూపాన్ని దృష్టిలోకి ఉంచుకొని శాశ్వత రాజధానిగా హైదరాబాదు ను ఏర్పాటు చేశారు.

పై విషయాలను పరిగణలోకి తీసుకున్నపుడు త్వరలో ఏర్పడబోయే ప్రత్యెక రాష్ట్రానికి విజయవాడ రాజధానిగా ఏర్పాటు చేయాలనే విషయంలో మరే విధమైన సందేహాలకు తావుండకూడదు. కాంగ్రెస్ పార్టీలో ప్రస్తుతం రెడ్డి కులం వారి లాబీ పనిచేసే అవకాశం లెదు.. కమ్మ, కాపు మరియు ఇతర వర్గాలవారికి అనుకూలమైన  విజయవాడ నగరానికే కాంగ్రెస్ పార్టీలో మెజారిటి వర్గాలు, అధిష్టానం అంగీకరించే అవకాశం ఉంది. 



Sunday, February 9, 2014

Delhi High Court Chief Justice Nuthalapati VenkataRamana Appointed Supreme Court Judge

Delhi High Court chief justice Nuthalapati Venkata Ramana has been appointed as Supreme Court judge and orders to that effect were issued by President Pranab Mukherjee on Saturday. He is likely to assume office as Supreme Court judge on Feb 13.
Justice NV Ramana, who was acting chief justice of the Andhra Pradesh High Court from March 10, 2013 to May 20, 2013 was elevated as the chief justice of Delhi High Court on September 2, 2013. Name of Justice NV Ramana was recommended by the  Supreme Court Collegium.
NV Ramana was born in an agricultural family on August 27, 1957 in Ponnavaram village in Krishna district. He enroled as an advocate on February 10, 1983. He practised in the High Courts of Andhra Pradesh, Central and Andhra Pradesh Administrative Tribunals and the Supreme Court of India in Civil, Criminal, Constitutional, Labour, Service and Election matters.
He has specialized in Constitutional, Criminal, Service and Inter-State River laws. He has also functioned as panel counsel for various government organisations. He has functioned as additional standing counsel for Central government and standing counsel for railways in the Central Administrative Tribunal at Hyderabad. He has also functioned as additional advocate general of Andhra Pradesh. He was appointed as a permanent judge of the Andhra Pradesh High Court on June 27, 2000.

Saturday, February 8, 2014

Vijay Naidu, Member Fiji Electoral Commision


The Fiji government recently announced a seven member commission, headed by former president of the Fiji Law Society Chen Bunn Young, to supervise the elections promised for September.

A member of Fiji's newly-formed Electoral Commission, Vijay Naidu, says he is looking forward to a democratically-elected Government.

Vijay Naidu was born in Fiji and educated there and in the United Kingdom. He is Professor and Director of the Development Studies program at the University of the South Pacific, and was Professor and Director of Development Studies at Victoria University of Wellington from 2003 to 2007. He has written on aid, migration, ethnicity, higher education, electoral politics, land tenure, the state, development and poverty, and taken an active role in the civil society movement in Fiji over many years. He has recently served a term as co-chair of Aotearoa New Zealand International Development Network (DEVNET).

Professor Naidu, of the University of the South Pacific, says one of the commission's first steps will be to establish its Terms of Reference.

"What we want to do is move as smoothly and as quickly towards a general election. Timing is of the essence here and we need to facilitate this process and I think the next stage is to get a supervisor of the elections in place and set up the electoral office and we move forward."

Vijay Naidu says all the people elected to the commission have integrity and are independent of the Government.

He says he feels optimistic that elections will go ahead as the Government has made a commitment to the international community.

Garikapati RamaMohana Rao elected to Rajyasabha

Garikapati Ram Mohan Rao Telegu Desam party General Secretary,  from Warangal elected to RajyaSabha from Andhra Pradesh. Garikapati Mohan Rao has been instrumental in the successful conduction of the Vastunna Meekosam campaign of Chandrababu Naidu. 

Thursday, February 6, 2014

Chandrababu Naidu emerges NDA’s standby PM candidate


 HYDERABAD: In an unexpected development that is raising eyebrows, Telugu Desam Party (TDP) president Nara Chandrababu Naidu is emerging as the NDA's consensus candidate as Prime Minister in the event of the BJP failing to get more than 200 parliamentary seats on its own, revealed top leaders privy to the development.

Leaders said along with a formal pre-poll alliance between BJP and TDP, the formal announcement on Naidu emerging as the dark horse will come after Parliament session ends. With more than 200 seats on its own Narendra Modi will be the clear PM favorite. "It would be difficult for us to see Modi at the helm in case we fail to cross the 200 mark. While we are hopeful of getting more than 200 seats, it is practical to have plan B and leaders like Chandrababu Naidu would be the natural choice, going by his acceptance," said a top BJP leader who commented that he would be expelled by his party if he is named.

Naidu is likely to contest the parliamentary polls either from Malkajgiri in Ranga Reddy district or Hindupur in Anantapur district.

"It is for sure that Chandrababu Naidu is going to play a pivotal role in government formation at the Centre. And we are not denying the fact that he is the prime ministerial candidate. As the dynamics of the pre-poll coalition are being worked out, Naidu rightfully tops the list of consensus candidates for the PM post," said senior TDP legislator A Revanth Reddy.

While he himself is among the aspirants to run for the Lok Sabha from Malkajgiri, Revanth Reddy said he would work for Naidu in the constituency if he prefers to contest from that constituency."As it is likely that Naidu would contest from Malkajgiri, I will be one of his campaign managers," added Revanth Reddy.BJP leaders said it was important that Naidu be on their side in the post-poll scenario while the party faces an uphill task to win over the coalition partners with Narendra Modi being the prime ministerial nominee.

Veteran BJP leader M Venkaiah Naidu told TOI that the coalition scenario would get clearer once there was clarity on Telangana, which he expects after the Parliament session ends. "We are waiting for the Telangana issue to be settled before going for the formalities of the coalition. Andhra Pradesh is one of the most important states for us because we have strong old partners here," said Venkaiah Naidu.BJP insiders said internal political dynamics in the party was also aimed at reining in Modi. They said Naidu's prime ministerial candidature was strongly being projected by the camps opposed to the Gujarat chief minister. They said leaders including L K Advani, Sushma Swaraj, and Arun Jaitley are in touch with Naidu.

As Naidu called on Advani and Sushma in Delhi on Tuesday, the BJP leaders said there was more to the meeting as it is being perceived as the TDP leader's bid to stop the Congress from going ahead with the bifurcation of AP for its political gains. .Sources said Naidu was in touch with the JD(U), which is vehemently opposing Modi as prime minister

Going by the positive response he was getting, the BJP leaders said Naidu would prove a good leader to rope in the coalition partners in the post-poll scenario.As united AP has 42 seats, the TDP is hopeful of emerging the single largest party in Seemandhra, which sends 25 MPs to the Lok Sabha. The party is pinning its hope on Chandrabau Naidu who is claiming to have turned the tide on the division issue by convincing the BJP not to support the Telangana Bill in its present form.

Microsoft CEO Satya Nadella offered Rs 112 cr pay package



Satya Nadella will get a base annual salary of USD 1.2 million as new CEO of Microsoft Corporation, but his overall package after taking into account bonus and stock awards may reach USD 18 million (Rs 112 crore) a year besides various other perks. 

As per his new employment agreement, the Indian-origin CEO of USD 78-billion software major will be paid his salary on "semi-monthly" basis at an annual rate of USD 1.2 million (Rs 7.5 crore).
46-year-old Nadella, who has been with Microsoft for 22 years, would also be eligible for a cash bonus, which can range from zero to 300 per cent, resulting into total payout of up to USD 3.6 million.
Besides, he would get stock awards to the tune of USD 13.2 million, taking the total package to USD 18 million.

Nadella's annual salary would be determined by the company's Executive Incentive Programme (EIP).
The top executive would be eligible for an annual EIP stock award worth USD 13.2 million starting 2015 fiscal year, according to Microsoft's offer letter to Nadella.

"For Microsoft's 2014 and 2015 fiscal years, your annual cash award target will be 300 per cent of your salary earned as CEO during the fiscal year.

"Your actual cash award can be from 0-300 per cent of the target and will be based on your performance as evaluated by the Board," the letter said, a copy of which has been submitted to the US market regulator SEC also.

Nadella, who became the third CEO of Microsoft after Bill Gates and Steve Ballmer, was paid an annual salary of USD 675,000 for the fiscal year 2013 as the President of the firm's server and tools business.

Going by reports, Nadella pocketed a cash bonus of USD 1.6 million last year.

Microsoft's fiscal year runs from July 1 to June 30.

Tuesday, February 4, 2014

Satyanarayana Chowdary Nadella Announced as Microsoft's New CEO


After a five-month search, Microsoft has named Satya Nadella its new CEO. He's the third CEO in the company's history.

Satya Nadella was born in 1967 in Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh, India to Kamma parents B. N. Yugandhar (Father) and Prabavati Nadella (Mother). His father B. N. Yugandhar is an 1962 batch Indian Administrative Service officer (IAS) hails from the Bukkapuram village, Anantapur district, B. N. Yugandhar was a member of the Planning Commission during 2004-2009 under Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. He has also served as secretary to the prime minister, secretary, rural development, and as a director of the Lal Bahadur Shastri National Academy of Administration.

 BN Yugandhar

     Anupama                                                                                                         Family         










Satya Nadella's wife, Anupama V Nadella is a Brahmin, daughter of another retired IAS officer K.R. Venugopal, an architect of the Rs. 2 a kg rice scheme launched during the late NTR’s regime. She also attended Hyderabad Public School.

Satyanarayana Chowdary Nadella is the executive vice president in charge of Microsoft's cloud and enterprise group, a fast-growing and lucrative division of the company. He's been a Microsoft employee for over 20 years and has worked as a VP in the company's business and online services divisions.

It's not a big surprise Microsoft's board picked Nadella. Last week, several reports began trickling out that Microsoft had chosen him. The company's board reportedly made its final vote over the weekend, only taking a break to watch the Seattle Seahawks win the Super Bowl.

Microsoft began looking for a new CEO in August when Steve Ballmer announced he'd retire within a year or as soon as the board could find a replacement. Ballmer's decision to retire was a surprise, as he had previously said he didn't plan to do it until all his kids were in college, which wouldn't have been until 2017 at the earliest.

The board reportedly considered a few outside hires for the job, including Ford CEO Alan Mulally. It's likely that the board's decision to pick an internal candidate means it wants the company to continue its course. Right now, Microsoft is still struggling to catch up with the consumer shift to mobile computing devices like smartphones and tablets. Its newest operating system, Windows 8, is hybrid software designed to work on regular desktop or laptop computers plus touchscreen devices like tablets. But Windows 8 got a lukewarm reception, and Microsoft is now working on updates to make it easier to use on traditional computers. Meanwhile, Microsoft's other businesses like Office and Xbox are doing pretty well.

If Microsoft's board had landed on an outside hire, that would've been a sign that the company wanted to change its direction and possible focus on the growing parts of its business like enterprise software.

No wonder his Total Calculated Annual Compensation as on date is  $7,668,952 = Rs.47,94,62,879